Wednesday, October 7, 2009

Follow up to my poem "Memories of Broken Promises"

This is the lyrics of a song, which my friend Aishwarya pointed out to after reading my poem "Memories of Broken Promises". Please read the poem before you go through this song.

The Call - Regina Skeptor

It started out as a feeling
Which then grew into a hope
Which then turned into a quiet thought
Which then turned into a quiet word

And then that word grew louder and louder
'Til it was a battle cry

I'll come back
When you call me
No need to say goodbye

Just because every thing's changing
Doesn't mean it's never been this way before
All you can do is try to know
Who your friends are as you head off to the war

Pick a star on the dark horizon
And follow the light

You'll come back
When it's over
No need to say goodbye

You'll come back
When it's over
No need to say goodbye

Now, we're back to the beginning
It's just a feeling and no one knows yet
But just because they can't feel it too
Doesn't mean that you have to forget

Let your memories grow stronger and stronger
'Til they're before your eyes

You'll come back
When they call you
No need to say goodbye

You'll come back
When they call you
No need to say goodbye

Monday, October 5, 2009

Memories of Broken Promises

Life’s farthest from being normal rite now...
Just trying hard enough, not to lose it.
It has become like a see saw,
It keeps bouncing back;
Sometimes the emotions
Sometimes the memories
Sometimes the dreams
Sometimes the anger
Sometimes the hate
Sometimes the love
Just changes color n keeps hitting me back.

It’s a strange feeling now,
Donno if this is love,
Or donno if its hate.
All I had is all gone away now,
Wonder why the shadow still remains.
If this continues for long,
All I will end up is pain,
And yet these feelings refuse to die out,
And keep coming back again.

All I am left with are memories,
But donno if I should cherish them.
For, they were the most beautiful things to ever happen to me,
And yet today it’s the same memories that come and haunt me.
Am I guilty in running away from them,
Will I be forgiven for trying to forget them?

For I was lucky to ever have experienced that joy,
And yet today I feel so unlucky for having lost all I had.
Maybe the circle will come around,
But will it be worth it without my love being around?
What good are those memories if the one they
lead to has gone away now, and I am left all alone;
Salvaging the pieces of a promise; that never saw the light of dawn.



- Anant

A moment of peace

The most peaceful moment I felt in a long time, was last week,
It was 2:00 am at night, I was driving at night on the highway returning back from Tirupati. With my mission of having to be there and get a darshan accomplished against all odds, I was at peace with myself.

It was Thursday morning when I was doing my regular Puja when the idea struck me of heading for Tirupati, 12 hours and much persuasion later, I was on the road with my office colleagues, Nitesh and Vinod heading for Tirupati. With no prior appointments we knew getting a darshan would be tough if not impossible, but after 8 hours of driving when we finally reached Tirumalai, the hill where one of the most religious temples in South India exist, we were in for a crude awakening.

We were unable to get the tickets for the darshan, as the Special tickets were not available, and the regular tickets were computerized hence tamper proof, which means, all the tickets for the day were already sold off by the time we reached the gates. The only other darshan available was the free darshan, for which we would have to stand for a minimum of 12 hours on the queue.

After 8 hours of continuous night driving without a single minute of sleep, all we could see was a bleak possibility to get a darshan anyway. So we finally checked into a hotel and consoled ourselves that darshan was impossible, but just sitting by the side of the temple, alone in peace would be the next best thing that we could do.

So finally after down scaling our hopes we proceeded to the temple, accepting our fate that darshan would not be possible. We just wanted to cherish the moment, the moment of being in a special place, completely at peace with ourselves. I was just trying to figure out a way, to be at peace in my mind. And just then when we had all accepted our fates, something amazing happened. Suddenly we could see two elephants appearing outside the temple followed by a Golden palanquin on which lay the statue of Lord Balajee, the deity of Tirumalai temple. The god whose darshan we had come to seek. It was like a miracle to us, for here we were standing there accepting that there was no possibility of entering the temple to get a darshan and all of a sudden the lord himself appeared to give his darshan to his followers.

It was a special moment for me as I along with my friends had no idea that the idol would be brought out for the Aarati to take place in the open. No one told us about the event, and we had no clue that such a good long darshan, especially during Aarati would be possible. We had taken a risk by going too near to the temple without a ticket and finally our wishes had been fulfilled. I felt a sense of joy, a sense of happiness, and a sense of fulfillment. I had come for a purpose and against all odds, we lived up to it. Nevermind the fact that we couldn’t make it all the way on our own. We had travelled so far, drove all night without sleep, and the lord himself came out to bless us. It was a wonderful feeling.

So as I drove that night returning back from Tirupati, I was at a deep peace with myself. As I drove on the highway, cruising into the night. My companions lay asleep at night. All I had for my company there was myself. It was a great feeling, with my objective clearly in front of me, my destination clearly defined, there I was heading towards my objective, and I had nothing to distract me. I was all alone with my thoughts and my inner self. I had company and yet I was totally self-involved, enjoying the beauty of the night, the beauty of the speed, and lastly the happiness of making it to my destinations.

Sometimes the greatest happiness we can ever seek lay inside us. All we need is a trigger to unlock that happiness. The trip to Tirupati was one such trigger to give me a shot at happiness and a peace of mind after a really long time.

Tuesday, August 18, 2009

Assorted Thoughtz

Cant stop this feeling!
To stop I must understand it.
But how can I stop something
That I can’t understand.

Am I missing something
Or is it the feeling of losing,
That is making me feel this way.
I have no answers for now.

There is nothing new that has happened.
It’s just me and my thoughts.
Sometimes I feel why must my mind
Work so much.
And cause so much pain
When there is no purpose.

I am having a tough day I know,
But the reasons for it elude me.
Maybe it’s the assortment of feelings
That make me feel this way.

Or maybe it’s just who I am
An assortment of mixed feelings.
An opening for vented anger.
And a disaster for myself.

I donno what is in store for me.
Maybe that is what adds to the misery.
The veil behind what’s tomorrow.
The cloud that hides the rain.

I wish this phase gets over me,
So that I can find that cloud behind the rain.
But then again, how can I have sunshine
Without the rain?
Its very hard to convince myself,
When the only one I have to convince
Is myself.

Monday, August 10, 2009

Chronicles of Our Lives

Life is but such a beautiful experience,
We get everything we really choose.
All we need is that zeal to learn,
And knowledge itself becomes so profuse.

We come to this Earth bare naked and crying,
We observe and learn and start our own life.
Life gives us so much a chance to make a living,
And what we become is the gift of that jive.

We laugh, and we cry,
It’s an experience that teaches us,
Without that laughter, life wouldn’t be beautiful,
And without those tears, that laughter wouldn’t be meaningful

It is ironic how we strive, to keep away from sorrow,
And work tirelessly to bring that happiness we seek,
One thing we fail to realize amidst the entire harrow
That life isn’t just about things that are so meek.

As we travel this oblivious tunnel of life,
One thing we must remember is to never lose hope,
That there surely is light at the end of the tunnel.
All we need is for someone to show us that end,
And walk us through with the ray of light shining in our minds.

Friday, July 31, 2009

The facets of life

Well after a lot of soul searching, I finally thought of penning some feelings. This is the first time ever in my life that I made an effort to pen down my thoughts this way. Please let me know if I should just stop here, or let me know if I have made a new beginning. This is something that I felt today, and I hope the words make your day! Happy reading!


The facets of life


The facets of life, move like waves in the ocean,

While one colossal wave engulfs you,

A gentler one comes n cheers you.

These change come, and these changes go,

What remain constant, are the lives you sow.


As part of this change, I had but a life,

That was so beautiful, that I begun betraying myself.

I became a person, I didn’t but know,

That I was a man, with a dream of my own.

Suddenly the life, just vanished from there

And I was left with all my dreams, hanging in the air.


I wept and cried in the loss of my life,

Reached out to God; and all my friends in time.

As I laid down before, to recover my life,

I realized what not, I had just left behind.


That I was a different man to begin with,

How could I have changed so much that I didn’t notice it?

Looking back now, I still dream of that life,

But in haste I try to cover it up with a lie.

That I feel everything, will all be alright; and life will go back

To what I had begun with.


The reality again, is far from the truth,

That life once gone, will never be the same again,

What I have today is what I had started with,

But it seems so small now that I don’t know if I can make with it.


It is but no one’s; but my own fault,

Forgetting my dreams and covering up with lies.

For taking a chance I knew I couldn’t take,

For ignoring the dreams I had once made.


As I stand today, with yet another life to begin with,

I wish I will always; remember the one I parted away with.

That I pray her soul, will always be happy,

And never again feel, the void that I am feeling,

That our coming lives may bring us the happiness

And once more the waves will bring us the cheer,

Waiting one day for that big colossal wave

To come back again, and wash us all away.

Tuesday, July 21, 2009

Anant writes :)

Couldn't believe I could, but here you go, presenting a song supposedly written by me... Actually I just spoke these words and Prashantee my good fren compiled them, edited them and presented it in a beautiful and presentable manner. All credits goes to her, although most of the words were mine. Still haven't figured out the name though....Here you go....


I write
I sing
I speak
I preach
It's me
Oh It's me
Blabbering about humanity

Meagre-powerless helpless me
Yet thinks I am great
When i sing this song of tragedy

I think this
I think that
I pen this
I paint that
I look around
And wonder
My brains at work
I present you this song
Of poverty

Everyday is the same story
Of wars and crimes
Of evils and the sublime
Of love and romance
And the pangs of changing times
I just write
I just sing
In different hues of pink
It's but the same old song
Of humanity

Yeah you can pack it up in whichever flavour you want
It's still the same
I dont bother about the glass
It gets awfully monotonous
Life
Death
Poverty
Helplessness
Tragedy
Sorrow
Blood
Wound
Lastly
Humanity.

Monday, May 18, 2009

General Election 2009 Result analysis for Darjeeling PC

For all you folks who want a detail analysis of the election results for Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency, here it is a detailed, Assembly constituency wise break up of votes for different candidates for the parliamentary seat.



Elections 2009














Jaswant Singh M BJP 497649 52.21%



Jibesh Sarkar M CPI(M) 244360 25.64%



Dawa Narbula M INC 187809 19.71%



Haridas Thakur M BSP 5083




Abhijit Majumdar M CPI(ML) 3818




Niranjan Saha M AMB 3717




Baidyanath Roy M IPF 2686




Arun Kr Agarwal M IND 3177




Nitu Jai
IND 4786






















Electors 1204581






Voters 953085






Valid Votes 953085






Poll Percentage 79.12%
























Kalimpong Darjeeling Kurseong Siliguri Matigara-Naxalbari Phansidewa Chopra Postal Ballot









Jaswant Singh (BJP) 116244 153989 141506 24188 31736 19831 9441 714
Jibesh Sarkar (CPI(M)) 2567 3261 5593 66187 64776 51667 49715 594
Dawa Narbula (INC) 5915 3716 3501 37721 34251 37177 65274 254
Haridas Thakur (BSP) 307 188 255 693 893 1206 1540 1
Abhijit Majumdar (CPI(ML) 201 146 193 797 698 1160 621 2
Niranjan Saha (AMB) 213 164 194 1259 723 617 543 4
Baidyanath Roy IPF 203 163 215 354 477 578 696 0
Arun Kr Agarwal 263 242 298 404 654 709 606 1
Nitu Jai 388 306 423 706 1230 1064 669


















No of Voters: 126301 162175 152178 132309 135438 114009 129105 1570
Total No of Voters 159334 212006 186250 169905 172236 150496 154354
BJP 92.04% 94.95% 92.99% 18.28% 23.43% 17.39% 7.31% 45.48%
CPM 2.03% 2.01% 3.68% 50.02% 47.83% 45.32% 38.51% 37.83%
INC 4.68% 2.29% 2.30% 28.51% 25.29% 32.61% 50.56% 16.18%
Total Votes % 79% 76% 82% 78% 79% 76% 84%

Saturday, May 16, 2009

Gorkhas win Hands down in Darjeeling!

Our people have shown the way and triumphed! Look at the election results for Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency. The total number of votes for Jaswant Singh is more than the combined total votes of the opposition in Darjeeling, leaving skeptics way behind. Surely this is a great triumph for Gorkhas in Darjeeling, and a much needed mandate for the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha in Darjeeling. This will surely send the left totally in the back foot as far as total Darjeeling district is concerned.

Darjeeling, West Bengal: Election Results
Candidate Party Votes Total Votes

Jaswant Singh BJP 497649 961583
Jibesh Sarkar CPM 244356 961583
Dawa Narbula INC 187809 961583
Haridas Thakur BSP 5083 961583
Abhijit Majumdar CPI(ML) 3818 961583
Niranjan Saha AMB 3717 961583
Baidyanath Roy IPFB 2686 961583
Arun Kumar Agarwal IND 3229 961583
Nitu Jai IND 0 961583
Ram Ganesh Baraik IND 13236 961583

Thursday, May 14, 2009

Nepal and its Crisis - A view

Last week saw political temperatures rise in one of the capitals of our immediate neighborhood. The headlines were ripe with first, the sacking of the Army Chief of Nepal by the Cabinet, and then the subsequent re-instatement; and yet again the resignation of the popular Prime Minister of the country. The spate of events led to uncertainty about the future of democracy in the country, and also jeopardized the already fragile democratic institution in that country. While factions and parties have their claims and counter claims about the legitimacy of the respective stands taken, I would like to point out some of my observations which I see as the ones, most pertinent to solving the issue at hand.

The sequence of events which led to sacking of the General

Here, the Prime Minister was of the view that the General had undermined civilian supremacy by refusing to toe the verdict of a democratically elected government. The reasons for taking the line were,

a) Refusal of the General to accept the Government’s verdict on sacking eight Brigadiers of the Nepal Army.

b) The General authorized the filling up of upto 3000 vacancies of the Nepal Army in violation to the ceasefire agreement reached with the Maoist forces.

c) Refusal of the Nepal Army to participate in Annual Games which were manipulated midway to enable the participation of Maoist Cadres.

d) And most importantly, the staunch refusal of the General to integrate his Army with the Maoists which he claimed as a politically indoctrinated force, which would have jeopardized an independent and impartial functioning of the Army.


Let us now analyze each issue case by case.

a) The key to having an impartial and independent dept in any branch of the Government is to providing it with a degree of autonomy. The dept should have an independent functioning where the Head of the Dept directly reports to the elected head of the Government. The political leadership in turn should desist from interfering in the day to day functioning of the Dept, thus to enable that the right people who are incharge of the day to day affairs of that Dept are as much responsible as accountable to working of the Dept. This is more so important in case of powerful forces such as the military which because of their trained and motivated human resource can easily be manipulated to serve vested interests should they be used to. Hence, in modern democracies, the political representatives desist from interfering in the functioning as well as the inner leadership of the Military, and instead rely on the Army General as a single point of contact with the force. All decisions pertaining to the functioning of the Army as well as planning and budgeting are done by the Army Generals themselves with the political appointee directly working with the Army Chief.
In case of Nepal Army, the political leadership clearly violated this protocol and went into sacking of the eight Brigadiers without the concurrence of the Army Chief who was responsible for his men. In essence, the political leadership breached the democratically laid out norm and interfered in the working of the Armed Forces which as yet was an independent institution of the Government.

b) The General had authorized the recruitment of the Army in violation of the peace deal signed by the political parties and the Maoists and hence, the Government had a legitimate authority to seek explanation from the Army Chief and thus reprimand him for the violation.

c) The refusal of the Nepal Army to participate in the Annual Games was justified as the Maoists Government had manipulated the laid down norms and included Maoist cadres to participate in the national event at a later stage. This amounted to open manipulation of the state machinery, and hence would have been unacceptable to any participant of the said games, let alone the Army.

d) The most brazen violation of the authority of the Government came in the way of refusal of the Army Chief to integrate what he called politically indoctrinated volunteer force, into a clean and impartial national Army. While analyzing the situations here, the Army Chief cannot be totally blamed for the impasse. He is correct in taking a stand to oppose the dilution of his independent, motivated force which is solely meant for the purpose of protecting the territorial integrity of Nepal with a political indoctrinated force whose sole purpose is to convert the Country from a Democratic country, into a communist indoctrinated people’s republic. It is imperative for him to maintain his force’s morale and discipline, and integrating his highly trained and professional force with a non-professional Insurgent Army would not only adversely affect the morale and professionalism of the army but also lead to politicizing the Army so much so, that it turns into a private army run by a political party. This would not only have an affect on the Army, but the nation itself. As mentioned elsewhere, the Army is one of the most powerful tool of the state, and if used adversely to further one party’s political objectives, it can very well turn a country from a democratic free republic into an authoritarian dictatorship, much to the wishes of the party that controls it. Therefore it is imperative for a National Army to remain outside the control or interference of any political party.
Moreover, integrating a volunteer force also requires its rank and file to be integrated into the Army, and one such proposal of inducting ex-maoist commander as a Major General into Nepal Army would be something no self-respecting Army officer would ever accept. How could a commissioned officer sworn to protect his country against all enemy foreign or domestic, and who has served his force for over 25 years suddenly take orders from a untrained, unprofessional personality who had till recently been living in the jungles as a terrorist, and who had little over 10 years of any combat experience as an insurgent. This would not only be undermining the professional integrity of the force but also ridiculing the dedication, the sacrifice and the service he and others like him have made for the institution of the Army and his motherland. This is something no self-respecting individual let alone an Army man would ever accept. In contrast for whatever may be claimed, the Maoist fighters are still, a force of insurgents who owe their allegiance to a Maoist ideology of grabbing state power, and who till the other day were terrorizing people to accept their dichotomy.

However, having said that, it is as much the fault of other political parties who entered into an agreement with the Maoist parties without ever consulting or taking consent of the Military brass. The Maoists signed an agreement with the then political parties, who were or seemed to be in power. They signed a treaty and it was a duty of the signatories to honor it. The institution of the Army was never consulted while signing the agreement and hence is not obliged to accept it. Yet, the issue could have been amicably solved by dialogue and by accommodating the Ex-Maoist fighters into some other para-military force who would be subservient to the Government and yet would not interfere with the institution of the Army.

Having seen all the points of contention it is obvious to assume that all sides had committed some errors and excesses in their own functioning. While the Army has remained fiercely stubborn in remaining independent and opposing all forms of interference into its working, the Maoist party which like any other party or more has tried to influence the Army, as well as the whole state to further its influence in power. While the extent of all parties to remain democratic can be questioned according to the merits and demerits of each case, what is clear is none of them, least of all the Government has been democratic in its style of functioning. In such case, the call of the Prime Minister that the Army had undermined civilian supremacy by refusing to follow orders of the Cabinet seems far fetched. The PM should take note that democracy doesn’t just mean winning ballots. It means, giving voice to all parties to raise valid grievances. In this case, the Army Chief was right in protecting his turf and force from unnecessary political influence which the party in power exercised. Also, the PM and his party refused to accept other political party’s opinion of not sacking the Military chief and took it as a purpose to take on the Military head on. This amounted to more of ascertaining one’s power and supremacy over the other rather than a functioning of a true democrat. Maybe a party which has only very recently adhered to democracy and who till recently believed in power flowing from the barrel of the gun cannot understand it, but democracy cannot just come by ascertaining civilian supremacy but by encouraging free speech, accepting consensual views, free and frank expression of opinion on public policies by functionaries occupying all echelons of the Government and most of all by accepting dissent as a way to functioning of a democracy.

If at all the Prime Minister is so determined in ascertaining civilian supremacy over the Army, it is time he and his party start behaving and thinking like a civilian and stay away from the extremist mindset he and his elks had for over a decade of insurgency that they led.

Wednesday, May 13, 2009

Hillarious Taliban Maths Question paper!

TALIBAN MATHS QUESTION PAPER.


Instructions:

------------ -----
i) Students found copying will be hanged or flogged on the spot in accordance with shariat law

ii)AK-47's and Grenades are not allowed in the exam hall. Students may keep their daggers, Revolvers and pack of anthrax bombs only for self defense.
------------ --------- --------- --------- --------- --------- --------- ----
Math Exam Time 3 hours Full Marks 100 - Pass Marks 10
All questions are compulsory.

1. Abdul was sent to jail for murder for honour killing .He has 7 wives in his house.
Abdul distributed money to his wives in such a proportion that the youngest and most recent wife receives maximum and oldest wife gets minimum, and each wife gets double of her former competitor. Abdul has 1700 Rupaye left in his house. Abdul's oldest wife needs atleast 25 rupaye per month. Find out the time when Abdul will have to become a jihadi so that his wives do not starve.

2. Karim is a highly respected Drug seller. Prices per gram of Marijuana, hasish, heroin and LSD s are 50, 60,70,80 Rupaye respectively. Karim offers a discount of Rupaye 20 for his buyers who buys more than 50 grams of drug. If Rahim , a buyer gets Rupaye 37 discount , find out the grams of LHD he bought.

3. Sarfraz tampers the ball thrice per over. He deforms the ball .02% of its original shape each time . Find the percentage deformation the ball due to tampering in a FAKE IPL series in which Sarfraz bowled 3.3 overs.


4. Rauf has a Company named Mullah Omar Kidnapping & Extortion Private Limited. He has to threaten 10 people per day over Telephone. 40% of the people he threatens are cinema stars in Mumbai, 30% are Businessman in Delhi, 20% are Cricket Players in Madras and 10% are shopkeepres in Calcutta . If ISD charges are rupaye 15, 25, 40, 50 per minute from Rauf's city Karachi to Bombay, Delhi,Calcutta and Madras respectively and he gets a Telephone bill of 10,230 Rupaya in a month Find out The No of Cinema stars in Mumbai ,threatened in that particular month.

5. Dawood group has to provide one Ak 47.one AK 74,one Rocket Launcher, 50 Grenades and one pack of RDX to its Ron roots for training.One AK 47 costs 100$; One Ak 74 costs 150 $,an RPG-7 rocket Launcher costs 250 $ , grenade is 3 $ each, a pack of Rdx Bomb attached with remote Control is 500 $.
The D-Company admits 2000 new people every year out of which 10 % are sent to Bollywood and another 20 % trained as camel jockeys. Find the amt of Foreign Aid Obama Govt has to provide each year as a subsidy to run such a group.

6. If stabilty of democratic Govt. in pakistan is given by the following equation X exp3 +X exp2 -16 = i, where the notations have their usual meaning; Find out x.

7. Probability of a Pakistani prime minister to be shot is 78 %.
Probability of a Military general to be shot is 80% .
Find the joint probability of a Prime minister to be shot who is also a Military general.

8) Find out geometrically the area of Paktunistaan using PI Theorem with Osama BIn Ladens Correction (That is taking the value of PI = 786 instead of 3.14....), if Paktunistaan is taken as a heptagon.

9) A 'GHAURI' missile tries to fly from Drass to Kargil which is not too far from Drass (say 100 miles) and is exactly to the East of Kargil . The wind is blowing from the South and the speed of the wind is exactly equal to the speed of the airplane. (The speed of the airplane is measured with respect to the air!) The pilot decides to steer straight to Kargil all the time during the flight.
Will the airplane ever reach Kargil ? What if the speed of the wind is k times the speed of the airplane, where k is a positive number (can be greater or less than 1)? Try to sketch the trajectory of the airplane (with respect to the ground, of course) in each of the three cases:
k=1, k1 and k<1.


10) Briefly discuss the Unsolved problem of "Bisection of a Triangle" with a Compass and an unmarked ruler if the triangle is named as KASHMIR.


Students wishing to detonate themselves and the invigilators with their backpacks are forbidden to do so within classroom premises.


Note: This joke should be taken in the right spirit, it is not meant to offend anyone.

Tuesday, May 12, 2009

Pakistani offensive in Swat and the Indian Army Operations in Kashmir

The air waves in India have recently been ripe with the hot battle being fought between major political players in India for the elections to the Parliament. But amid the High Poll drama taking place, what is being missed is the action unfurling in our immediate neighborhood. For the past two weeks now, Pakistan Army has begun a major offensive to clear some of its Districts in the NWFP from the dreaded Taliban fighters. The Army has thus moved in and with Artillery guns, helicopter gunships and combat jets to win back the area from the influence of the Taliban and to reinforce the writ of the State of Pakistan on those remote corners of that country.

Surprisingly, for whatever good reasons the Army might have started the operations, the likely outcomes seem different. For starters, whatever the Pakistan Army might claim, sources mention that it is the Taliban and not the Pak Army which is on the major offensive. The Pakistan Army while from the very beginning has been concentrating on the use of Artillery, combat jets and Helicopter Gunships for the operation, what is surprising is the blatant disproportionate use of force by the Pak Army. For starters it is a known fact that the heaviest weapon the Taliban uses are 12.7 mm guns and few mortars, from whatever is known, the Taliban is an insurgent force, and any professional army would know that it is not Artillery Guns and Combat jets that win a Counter- insurgency operation, it is the boots on the ground. From information published in news sources such as www.orbat.com, the Pakistan Army has just over 15,000 troops stationed in and around Swat to fight some 5000 plus Taliban fighters. Compare that to a figure of over 250,000 that the Indian Army maintains in order to fight insurgency in Kashmir.

The absence of large number of ground troops to fight insurgency in SWAT and the reluctance of its soldiers to fight the so called “Soldiers of Gods” has compelled the Pakistan Army to rely mostly on Artillery and Air power to fight the Taliban. This has led to a situation where the real people being affected by the offensive are not the Taliban fighters, but the innocent civilians living in that part of the world. Human Rights groups have already spoken that over half a million refugees have already been displaced by the offensive and another half a million are on their way. What is more grave is that the Pakistan Army has been practicing shoot on sight order against any vehicle that approaches its check points which means civilians have to get out and walk the whole way while constantly dodging Artillery shells and bombs.

What implications does this have on India? Well what needs to be learnt from this whole episode is for the people of Pakistan, Kashmir and rest of India to know what Counter Insurgency really is. For over two decades of CI operations that the Indian Army fought in Kashmir, our Pakistani friends, the Western world and our Secular and liberal media went all out ballistic about the crimes being committed by the Indian Army on the innocent civilians. More than a hundred thousand Kashmiri Pundits were displaced by the insurgents, and yet the Indian Army dealt with the situation with such humility that no mass exodus of innocent civilians was ever reported from Kashmir among the Muslim population. Through out its history of CI operation in Kashmir the Indian Security Forces lost thousands of its troops, but never used Artillery or Air power against Militants which would have in anyway jeopardized the safety of the innocent civilians. And yet the Pakistani establishment cried hoarse about India’s human rights abuses and atrocities against Muslims in Kashmir. And yet today we see the same Pakistani establishment using Artillery and Air power indiscriminately with little regard for civilian safety against its fellow Muslims in Swat. Isn’t the Pakistani establishment responsible for the mass exodus of a million refugees from their homes in their own land? Isn’t the Pakistani establishment responsible for the death of innocent civilians as a result of the disproportionate use of force against its own people? And doesn’t this amount to Human Rights violation and atrocities against their own people and most importantly their fellow Muslims.

These are the questions we Indians today need to pose to the Pakistani leadership. The Pakistani leadership didn’t waste anytime in accusing Indian Security Forces of Atrocities through out the 20 plus years of Counter insurgency in the valley when the Indian Army never use such heavy weapons to kill some insurgents there, while the Pakistan Army is using Artillery, helicopter gunships and combat jets with little regard for civilian safety in its own fight against the insurgents. This is something the Indian Army should be proud of. It has fought and subdued insurgency for over two decades with utmost care for its people and their lives by jeopardizing their own safety and concerns; such is the valor and chivalry of our Armed Forces.

This is indeed a question to our Kashmiri friends, who cry out for Azadi and Pakistan every time they get a chance. Is this what the people of Kashmir crave for? Has Indian Army ever treated the Kashmiris like what the Pakistan Army has treated its own country men in Swat and surrounding districts? Has there ever been a mass exodus of refugees from the Kashmir valley to other region as a result of indiscriminate attack by the Indian Army? Our fellow country men in Kashmir should remember this while pointing out the excesses of the Indian Army in Kashmir. While it is no doubt that the Indian Security forces have committed many excesses in Kashmir over nearly 2 decades of CI operation, it doesn’t even come close to what the Pakistan Army is currently doing in and around SWAT in just over 2 weeks of operation against the Taliban. It would be well to remind our Kashmiri friends the lies and deceit the Pakistani establishment had in store for them. Most importantly it should be an eye opener for the Kashmiris about the humility with which the Indian Army treated the Kashmiri people compared to ruthless atrocities being committed by the Pakistan Army against their own.

Monday, April 6, 2009

GJMM the new ally of NDA

The inclusion of the grievances of the Gorkha people of Darjeeling in the BJP manifesto in some form or another was highly anticipated by the population of the Hills of Darjeeling. What surprised some of the major political analyst was the announcement of GJMM as the new ally of NDA by the BJP central leadership. By becoming the new ally of the National Democratic Alliance, NDA for short, the GJMM has created major ripples in Darjeeling and West Bengal as a whole. This definitely shows a new beginning in the political chapter for people of Darjeeling Hills.

The major change that has now occurred in Darjeeling is that the politics of Darjeeling has now finally moved beyond Siliguri and Kolkata to the places where it matters the most. For starters let me give a brief background of the political hierarchy prevalent in Darjeeling as is any where else in the country. Every major political party in India including the Congress, CPI (M), BJP etc have what is known as Central level committees which take major decisions at the national level; subordinate to this is the State level committees, followed by District level committees. District level committees are then made up of various local bodies of the respective parties based on the region, the popularity of the party in the region and its party functionaries. Suffice to say that the District level committee forms the last most significant chain in the decision making hierarchy for any political party in the country. In case of Darjeeling also there is a district level Committee, but here, there is a sharp division in the representation of its leaders from the region. The Darjeeling district is made up of four Sub-division, three of them from the Hills made up of mainly Nepali Speaking population and one, Siliguri made up of mainly Bengali speaking population. The problem lies in the fact that this one sub-division makes up nearly 51% of the population of the region. Hence, all political parties have their respective party office in Siliguri and are mainly made up of Bengali speaking leaders. The matter is made worse by the fact that the pre-dominantly Hill people favor a separate state for the Nepali-speaking population creating a sharp political division between the people of the plains and the Hills.

This has led to the Bengali speaking leaders from the plains dominating all the voice in the political parties of the region. This leads to loss of voice for the remaining 49% population of the Hill people, strangulating their reach in both the state as well as the national level politics. The only way to enable the voice of the Hill people to be heard is to ensure the Hill people vote in unison thus enabling the single undivided vote of the Hills to change the fate of the candidates in the plains. Even though this is effective in promoting a Hill based candidate among the major parties, even his political voice, is rarely heard lest he antagonizes the State party bosses. This is the main reason why political campaigners from the state only head for the Hills at the time of the election to woo the Hill voters to vote for them to swing their fate. Every other time the political rights of the Hill people is over shadowed and pushed behind by these political figures in the plains, so much so that the concerns and demands of the Hill people rarely made it outside the District party office of Darjeeling located in Siliguri, one that made out farther, got lost after approaching Kolkata. In the past the issue came to head when the Congress members from the Hills created a separate Hill congress without the approval of the PCC (Pradesh Congress Committee for the state) because of the apathy and high-handedness of their comrades in the plains who always had an “I know best” attitude towards their Hill comrades. The situation was no better for other parties whether BJP, CPI(M), or Trinamool Congress.

Thus the recent inclusion of the GJMM as an ally of the NDA; has changed all this for good. The BJP which much like other party, had always toed the posture of its State level committee vis-à-vis all decisions pertaining to the Hills of Darjeeling. All decisions to be taken were made in approval of the State committee which rarely cared for the concerns or demands of the Hill people lest it antagonize the majority plains people of Bengal. No other Hill party could ever make its voices heard beyond Siliguri. But with the inclusion of GJMM as an ally of NDA, the people of the Hills finally have a direct ear among the political circles of India. The decision now bypassed the State committees of West Bengal without rupturing the decision making hierarchies of the state BJP. This means that whatever decision the future NDA takes on Darjeeling will be dictated by GJMM and not the state unit of the BJP. The point of contact of the NDA for decisions related to not only Darjeeling but even the whole Gorkha population of India can now be GJMM. This again fills the crucial vacuum that existed relating to the political voice of the Gorkhas as a community across India. Although the population of Gorkhas in India is in excess of 1.25 Crores, the political power of the community vis-à-vis its strength is highly disproportionate. This has led to inadequate redressal of the various grievances faced by the Gorkha community across India. The main reason for this was the sharp geographical divisions among the Gorkha populated regions of India as well as the sparse population of the Gorkhas in a single contiguous location anywhere other than Darjeeling or Sikkim. While on the one hand the Gorkha people of Sikkim do have a separate political voice in the national level, their cousins in Darjeeling and elsewhere were not quite fortunate.

Now, with the announcement of GJMM as an ally of the NDA, the Hill population of Darjeeling has broken the long held political shackles around it. The voices of the people here can now be freely heard, without being misrepresented or misinterpreted by the bosses in Kolkata. Now if an all party meeting is called elsewhere outside Darjeeling, the political big wigs there will no longer be able to pass a unanimous decision opposing “Gorkhaland” without consenting with GJMM or its ally the NDA. Elsewhere in the country, the grievances of the Gorkha population can be now channeled through the GJMM to be taken seriously, and their issues resolved amicably. While, we must not be made to believe that by fielding Jaswant Singh as the LS candidate of Darjeeling or by including GJMM as the ally of NDA, Gorkhaland will come naturally, it is also true that the hurdles we have faced in the past owing to our micro population in a state already at the brink of exploding due to over population, will indeed be lesser than before. The NDA might not even form a government yet its power and influence will be enough to avoid any false misinterpretation of the concerns of the Hill people of Darjeeling, the same way that the Sixth-Schedule Bill had been pushed down the throat of the Hill people. The people of Darjeeling Hills as also the Gorkha population of India now finally have a voice of its leaders being heard directly at the center, a position they had naturally deserved all along but one they never had. Thus, with one single master stroke, the GJMM has declared it to the State as well as the center that even though Gorkhaland may be a distant dream, the Gorkhas have finally arrived!

Friday, March 27, 2009

Gorkhaland, elections and priorities

The political atmosphere in the hills along with the rest of the country has been warming up for quite sometime now. The principal political party in the hills has been shuffling from pillar to pillar trying to garner enough support for the Gorkhaland demand, and include the same in the respective parties manifesto. This might have come up with some success. Even though the appearance of “Gorkhaland” demand in the manifesto of the major national parties seem quite distant, the fact that most of them stood up, and tried to understand the issue is an achievement in itself. Contrast this with the time when we wanted the Sixth-schedule bill to be stalled, when top leaders of the country were hardly aware of the realities and intricacies of the “Gorkhaland” demand. Although the real benefit of such an exercise may not seem to come outright, even a small step in making major stakeholders of the country aware is, of utmost importance lest it is needed when the time comes for them to actually make a choice.

Having said that, to expect that the age old issues of separate state, development and identity will be solved in just one General Election, is only but wishful thinking. This is a long process and to address all of the issues will take time, patience and proper political maneuvering. While some of our issues maybe addressed to in the short term, for all of it to be solved we will require a proper long term vision. The key is to lay our eyes on our long term goal without losing focus of our short term priorities. If any one of it is sacrificed for the sake of another, we may just end up losing all we had to begin with.

For starters we need to get our priorities right. The pressing issues plaguing Darjeeling hills today is more of Socio-economic in nature. Along with this is the issue of identity for the millions of its residence within the state and nation, and the political power these residents possess in the corridors of power to make a difference. These cannot be solved overnight, and thus two prolonged approach should be taken to address them.

1. The issue of Political power to safeguard the political rights of our people as a community.
2. The issue of Separate state to address the long term solution to the woes of its people.

While these are still two distinct issues, they are not exclusive of one another. Conversely assuming that both the issues are the same is also grossly overlooking what we have at hand. It is true that Political power can up to some extent ensure a separate state, also a separate state will ensure political power, but what is different is while we have control over the former, the later is totally dependent on outside forces beyond our control. What we have at hand today is the political power to make a difference (provided we play our cards right), to have our voices heard, and to make a small but token difference in the corridors of power. What we do not have is a power to create a separate state. We need to understand that while we have a right to demand a separate state based on our grievances and our needs, what is more important is for the people in power to understand and be willing to accept that the demand is in the country’s national interest. Now, what would be in the country’s national interest would differ based on various geo-political realties prevailing in the country. How it would affect the region in which the demand is being made, and how it would affect the demand for other such movements across the country. Only after we have a consensus on the legitimacy of the demand, can it be met. As of now, we do not have the power to influence that consensus.

What we do have is the right entitled to every citizen of a democracy, the power to choose a leader who can best meet the solutions to the various problems being faced by the people. For this very reason we need to separate the two issues at hand. For now, what we need to do is to retain the political power we have. This might not lead to any significant achievement on the separate state issue; however we will still be retaining a power to be heard, a political voice for the Gorkha citizens of Darjeeling and West Bengal. Conversely, we will also be keeping the political opponents of the Gorkhaland movement at bay so that those forces opposing us do not crush our voices in the corridors of power. With this move, while we will be able to achieve immediate results on some of the economic and political fronts, the larger issue of a separate state can thus be achieved later in due time with the proper political maneuvering.

What needs to be understood is the importance of what the exercise of getting the demand included in the manifesto of the major national parties has given us. Even if the demand is not included in any manifesto, the consideration shown by political parties itself brings the demand into mainstream glare. The fact that GJMM was so interested in siding with the BJP itself has caused the Congress to at least take a second look at the demands of GJMM. In politics this it self adds a lot of weight. Ultimately a separate state may not be a reality without significant amount of public pressure from the Hills. No one will hand it over in a platter; it demands perseverance and action from the people, the people in power need to understand the gravity of the situation and act, but even a small political compulsion will significantly reduce the time and energy needed to achieve it!

Wednesday, March 25, 2009

Life of a young and brave soldier

Soldier in grave, on 20th birthday
OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT

Extracted from the Telegraph Kolkata dated 25-03-09

Dhab (Ganderbal), March 25: Shabir Ahmad Malik was laid to rest on a day he would have turned 20 in a Tricolour-wrapped coffin borne by fellow soldiers, his village turning out in strength to salute its son.

“Shabir would have been 20 today but, look, he is no more,” wept elder brother Ghulam Mohammad Malik.

“He was born to die this way. He studied in Sainik School Manasbal up to Class XII and then joined the army, where he was trained as a commando. We are pained at his death but he has also made us proud.”

The words could have been K. Unnikrishnan’s — the proud father of Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan, the commando felled by terrorists from across the border during the Mumbai attack in November last year.

Shabir, like Sandeep who was 11 years older, died fighting militants. The commando from 1-Para regiment was killed on Monday during the encounter in the Kupwara forests that lasted five days.

By the time the shootout that kept hundreds of security forces on their toes ended yesterday, eight soldiers had died. Seventeen militants were also gunned down. The operation was declared over by the army yesterday but “the combing and search operation” is still on.

At Shabir’s home in Ganderbal, where his family would have celebrated his 20th birthday, villagers were gathered in mourning. Women beat their chests and showered confetti and flower petals on his coffin, and men accompanied it to the graveyard chanting slogans. All roads in Ganderbal appeared to lead to the village.

On the way to the graveyard, the coffin was placed in the compound of a one-storey house for people to catch a last glimpse of the soldier who had united the Indian Army and the Kashmiri villagers in grief.

“This is only the second time I have seen so many people joining the funeral of an Indian soldier and the reason could be primarily that he was a local boy,” a police officer said.

“The last time so many people had turned up was during the funeral of Muzaffar Ahmad, a Shangus resident who was also a soldier and died fighting militants.”

But unlike then, pro-India slogans rent the air yesterday as the army gave Shabir a gun salute.

“It could be because the village is Shia-dominated,” the officer said.

Kashmir villages usually reserve a hero’s send-off for militants killed by security forces, not Indian soldiers.

Defence spokesperson Lt Col J.S. Brar said: “The militant group most likely consisted of an infiltrating column as well as the terrorists who had gone to receive them. The operation was based on sound intelligence inputs as well as human intelligence provided by own sources.”

A large cache of arms and ammunition was recovered. Seventeen assault rifles, four under barrel grenade launchers (UBGL), 13 AK magazines, 207 AK ammunition, 19 UBGL grenades, two grenades, two GPS sets, one Thuraya radio set, one Kenwood radio set, three map sheets, three matrix sheets, two haversacks and Rs 9,200 in Indian currency were recovered in the operations.

Article on the recent fire fight in Kashmir

LoC breach: Alerted, Army laid a trap for Lashkar men before 5-day firefight began
Posted online: Mar 26, 2009 at 0214 hrs in the Indian Express
MUZAMIL JALEEL & MIR EHSAN


SRINAGAR : At the end of the five-day Kupwara encounter that killed eight Army personnel and 17 Lashkar operatives, all evidence points to “extremely sophisticated planning and logistics” behind the biggest infiltration attempt across the Line of Control this year, security officers involved in the operation said.

Army chief General Deepak Kapoor said the high casualties of Indian Special Forces — all eight from the crack 1 Para — indicated a “high level of military training.” As did the nature of the infiltration attempt — through treacherous terrain and the recovery of highly detailed maps of the forests, along with GPS devices, radios, satellite phones, snowboots and ice axes.

At 10,273 feet, a narrow, winding road over the Sadhna Pass — its surface covered by frozen ice — is the only entrance into the stunning valleys of Karnah in the Kashmir Valley. To its left, in the vast isolated swathe, walled by the snow-capped peaks of the Shamsabari range, is the heavily guarded Line of Control. It was here on March 19, that 25 militants sneaked in — watched by both the Army and the Lashkar-e-Toiba.

Sources have confirmed to The Indian Express that militants who crossed over were well on their way to hideouts in Rajwar where Lashkar’s commander Abu Saad was waiting. Saad, it’s learnt, had sent three of his experienced militants to “receive” this new group. But this time, the Army knew and it had Lashkar’s key OGWs (Over Ground Workers) under watch.

Sources said intelligence from across the LoC had alerted security agencies a week in advance. Moreover, early this month, two smaller groups of militants had already crossed over into the Rajwar area and a third group of 10 had sneaked into the valley through Gulmarg. “So we were expecting them. We knew they were coming but our information was about a group of 10 militants,” a source told The Indian Express.

Army officials say the infiltration was launched most probably from somewhere in the Lepa valley. After they crossed over, the militants trekked the Shamsabari’s high ridges that divides the Keran sector from the Kashmir bowl.

In parallel, the Army began moving to lay an ambush. The plan was to avoid engaging the militants near the LoC and thus prevent them from retreating. “They were allowed to sneak in under constant watch,” a source said. The infiltrators were first spotted at Ragni post where one militant was killed. The first major contact with the militants took place at around 3 am on March 20 at Drangyari. “Three were killed there,” said Army spokesman Col J S Brar, “one of them escaped and was killed at Chamb”.

By then, the group had scattered under night’s cover and the Army had expanded its operation across the Shamsabari range, pushing reinforcements into the dense Hafruda forests — one of the thickest stretched across Kupwara and Handwara districts. The Army’s Trehgam Brigade, two battalions of the Rashtriya Rifles and para commandos were deployed. Sources said the Lashkar “reception party” had already joined the infiltrators but somehow the guide possibly lost his way.

The next afternoon, on March 21, Major Mohit Sharma along with a party of para commandos, decided to go deep inside the Hafruda forests. A group of militants, however, had been hiding over the ridge — which gave them an immediate advantage. Major Sharma and three of his men were killed in the firefight.

By Monday, the Army had sent out dozens of parties inside Hafruda, expanding the operation to almost an area of 20 sq km. Fierce gunbattles raged across the area. Close-quarter encounters took place at two places — one inside the Hafruda forests and another in Drangyari. Five militants were killed while four Army men, Havaldar Rakesh Kumar, Nayak Sanjay Anna and Para troopers Manoj Kumar and Shabir Ahmad, were killed. All were officers and men from the Para unit — equipped with AK 47 and Israeli Tavor rifles, new generation night-sights and tracking equipment.

On Tuesday, the troops were again in control and the cordon had been tightened around the militants holed up in Hafruda. Seven militants were killed that day.

Army officials said they found this group of infiltrators “exceptionally trained” and “well-kitted” wearing multilayered warm clothing, jackets, snowshoes and even armed with ice axes. The militants also had modern communication gadgets and were using GPS, compasses, one Thuraya set and Army maps. “They had 10 radio sets as well. We also recovered 23 AK rifles,” said Col Brar. “They had boots and axes, the kind we use in Siachen. The boots were made in Iran.”

The militants, who communicated in codes, also had elaborate maps of Kupwara and Handwara especially of the dense forest ranges. The seriousness of the plan was evident in the specially tailored T-shirts for this group. The T-shirts had “Jihad is my life, Shahadat (martyrdom) is my real life” printed on them. There were T-shirts which “Commando” inscribed as well.

The Army estimates that the level of infiltration will go up in coming months as the snow starts melting in the passes. “Over 300 militants are waiting to infiltrate from 40-50 terror camps across the LoC,” the Army Chief said. Army officers said that with less than 400 active militants estimated in the valley, handlers across the border are getting desperate to send in more foot soldiers.

(with Manu Pubby, New Delhi)

Why I feel that Gorkhaland is not possible in the near future. – Part 2”

In continuation as a sequel to my earlier article titled “Why I feel that Gorkhaland is not possible in the near future. – Part 1”

As I have already mentioned, the prospects of the centre taking the demand for separate state of Gorkhaland to its logical conclusion, seems rather bleak for now. One can understand the compulsion that the center is in considering the fact that there are more than a dozen such demands currently being raised in India for various reasons. What we need to do now is to focus on a long term strategy to build a gradual case for the creation of a separate state. Considering the size of the envisaged new state, it would be logical that even if new states are indeed formed in India, the inclusion of Gorkhaland in the group of new states may not be fruitful.

For Gorkhaland to be eventually realized there are two things that need to be done,

1. Firstly, separate the ‘Gorkhaland’ issue from other such demands in the country and maintain it as an exclusive case, like one enjoyed by the North Eastern states.
2. Secondly, go for a step by step approach so that the Central Govt is constitutionally, obliged to grant a separate state.

For this, what we need is to analyze the correct political atmosphere, see how much is the center and the state willing to go to satisfy the demand. This requires building extra pressure on both the state govt as well as the center by way of non-cooperation and home rule. Make the pressure such that the govt is forced to take a stand on it. However, there is a limit upto which such agitation can be taken. Going over-board would invite deployment of para-military forces and a ruthless attempt to crush the movement. This would be detrimental to both the democratic movement, as well as the people participating in it. We need to understand that in such case, it is better to put pressure on the state govt, as it will have more compulsion to act, keeping in mind the public attention it would get in the state. However we must maintain the upper hand in terms of calling on and off the movement rather than being compelled to sit for negotiation out of necessity.

The state govt in the start of the Gorkhaland Agitation in 2008, had publicly announced that they were willing to give more power to the Sixth-schedule and increase its area to beyond the present hill sub-divisions. Similar offer once made by the state govt should be accepted as a last resort, while still insisting on the statehood demand, this will give us the leeway for us to demand a more respectable form of Sixth-schedule with more legislative and executive powers as enjoyed by the likes of Bodoland Territorial Council. Another thing to add would be to bring the Council under the banner of the North-Eastern Development Council. This is a much more realistic possibility, as the Center and the state have in-fact endorsed the Sixth-schedule imposition in the Darjeeling Hills, what was lacking in the proposed Sixth-schedule legislature was the comprehensive powers for it to be an accountable and credible alternative to satisfy the various socio-economic problems being faced by the people of the hills. Once the required aberrations are cleared out and newer areas included to its responsibility, the current economic problems can be solved and the region and the people can benefit from the development, for the immediate future.

This will lead to realizing two aspects,

1. The implementation of Sixth-schedule and inclusion of the same in the North-Eastern council would make the Gorkhaland demand exclusive of other similar demands being made in the country. This would ensure, that Gorkhaland demand is looked as any other issues in the North East would be dealt with, which is preferential as compared to other such demands in the rest of the country.
2. The implementation of Sixth-schedule would lead to the de-facto acceptance of Darjeeling as a separate entity within West Bengal, a term like State within a state. This would more or less oblige the center to give Darjeeling the statehood status on a later date, as the logical conclusion of Sixth-schedule as is seen with other similar cases in the North-East like Mizoram and Meghalaya, which were changed to states from being Autonomous Councils.

This would have major implications, one being that it would take lot more years to achieve the real goal of statehood, and the loss of trust from the people because of what we achieved previously from the infamous D.G.H.C. The positive aspect of it would be we would be assured of a separate state someday. The immediate agitation for a separate state either way could be long. Other such popular demands fail because, pro-longed dragging of the movement causes serious economic harship among the people of the region. Being pro-longed the people lack focus of the agitation, thus giving rise to un-scrupulous elements that play havoc with not only the general populace but also the economic resources of the region.

Implementation of the Sixth-schedule for the short term would thus solve some of the severe economic problems plaguing the region, and help people move forward to a better economic and social condition. At the same time, the Autonomous council and the region in it will get the necessary constitutional guarantee for qualifying as a separate state, which no other region in India outside the North East can get. Once the economic woes of the people are met, proper resources and ideas can be utilized in achieving the goal of statehood by means of legitimate constitutional guarantees. Thus, if we take a long term approach, this will help us in achieving the long cherished dream of a separate state for the people in the region.

The formation of a separate state in India is a major issue for the country. It has serious implications for the concerned region as well as the rest of the country. It has to be made by the Government in the national interest and not under compulsion by a mere segment of population of a region. Considering these logical reasons, it would be appropriate to take a serious approach. An in depth long term planning is necessary for us to achieve the logical conclusion. One that has constitutional and legal legitimacy. Being a small region with small population, political power alone cannot guarantee us a separate state, thus we need to use the correct privileges and powers that have been guaranteed to our community and region by the Constitution. We might find the process long, but the possibility of our dream coming true at minimum economic and social loss is the benefit that can offset any time overruns in the future.

Tuesday, March 24, 2009

A Classic Indian Intelligence Operation

The article has been reproduced as printed in "The Hindu" dated 17th June 2004, as one of few example of India's victories against Pakistan Sponsored terrorism in Kashmir.
A secret hunt that trapped top Jaish militants

By Praveen Swami

NEW DELHI, JUNE 16. If it had not been for a chance traffic accident, an alert Border Security Force signals intelligence monitor, and a superbly-crafted intelligence operation, Srinagar could have been the midst of a bloody suicide-bombing offensive this summer.

Three months ago, the Indian Army announced that it had eliminated the overall head of the feared Jaish-e-Mohammad's military operations, Qari Mohammad Asif. Operating under the code-name `Sehrai Baba', Asif had been responsible for a string of terrorist attacks since he took office in September 2003. Now, an investigation by The Hindu has found Asif was killed more than three months before his elimination was made public — leading to a top-secret covert operation that secured the liquidation of almost the entire top leadership of the Jaish-e-Mohammad.

On April 8, the Indian Army announced that it had killed Asif, along with four other senior Jaish-e-Mohammad commanders, in northern Kashmir. Those killed included Malik Salimullah, a resident of Gujaranwala in the Pakistani province of Punjab, Nazaqat Zaman, a resident of Haripur in the North West Frontier Province, Yahya Khan of Karachi, and Zubair Ahmad. In one single blow, the terrorist group had lost almost its entire field command: an event unprecedented in the history of counter-terrorist warfare in Jammu and Kashmir.

In fact, The Hindu 's investigation has found, Asif died a full five months before this encounter in a chance shoot-out in Srinagar's Bemina area. The shootout followed a minor traffic altercation involving Asif, after which he opened fire on BSF personnel who intervened. BSF intelligence personnel learnt that the killed terrorist was referred to within his organisation by the wireless code-sign `Tango-4'. The organisation's sources were also able to determine that `Tango-4' was a senior figure in the Jaish-e-Mohammad hierarchy.

BSF signals personnel then made a chance discovery: `Sehrai Baba' had disappeared off the airwaves after the death of `Tango-4'. This led to the suspicion that `Tango-4' and `Sehrai Baba' were the same person. No one in the Jaish-e-Mohammad's Srinagar apparatus, investigators discovered, had seen or heard from their supreme commander in weeks: all they knew was that he was on a secret mission and would establish contact only when absolutely necessary.

Since the Jaish-e-Mohammad did not know that `Sehrai Baba' had been killed, Indian officials believed the situation could be leveraged to their advantage. By mid-January, a detailed plan was in place, known only to the BSF's in-house intelligence organisation, the G-Branch, the Intelligence Bureau, top police officials, and the commander of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps, Lieutenant-General Nirbhay Sharma. An Indian intelligence asset planted deep within the Jaish-e-Mohammad was now put to work executing the covert operation.

In late January, the source made contact with the Jaish-e-Mohammad's Pakistan-based chief, Maulana Masood Azhar — the terrorist released in the Indian Airlines flight IC184 hostages-for-prisoners swap at Kandahar. The source claimed to be passing on messages from `Sehrai Baba' to Azhar. `Sehrai Baba,' he said, had planned a series of large-scale operations inside Srinagar, but needed logistical support and personnel. Since Indian intelligence had in the past demonstrated the ability to break terrorist communications codes, the Jaish-e-Mohammad would have to take the risk of arranging a physical meeting on the Indian side of the LoC.

It worked. When the Jaish-e-Mohammad group reached their liaison point near Sogam, having used multiple routes across the Lolab mountains, Indian troops were waiting. "The whole thing had to be arranged with care," says a senior military source. "We had to make sure that, first, the source could be moved around by the Intelligence Bureau without hindrance by our own troops, while at once maintaining secrecy. We had to make sure the LoC crossing was trouble-free, but also monitor it at each stage. Finally, the ambush had to be laid with great precision. The slightest error could have jeopardised months of hard work."

Soon after the Sogam incident, Indian forces moved rapidly to eliminate the last two Jaish-e-Mohammad personnel drawn on to the Indian side of the LoC by the source, Multan resident Tassaduq Irshad, and Mohammad Iqbal Baksh. While the Jaish-e-Mohammad continues to have a formidable ground presence in Jammu and Kashmir, it is an Army without Generals.

Monday, March 16, 2009

Why I feel that Gorkhaland is not possible in the near future. – Part 1

The happenings of the last few weeks have posed some serious questions to the overall agitation for the separate state of Gorkhaland. The frequency with which many executive members from the principal “Pro-Gorkhaland” party, the Gorkha Jan Mukti Morcha (Gorkha People’s Liberation Front) switched back and forth, pillar to pillar between various leaders of the leading national parties including BJP and Congress, have yet again proved that the question of Gorkhaland is far from being answered by any of the major stake holders of the nation. Even if some party may give moral support to the demand, the likelihood of all out support by way of including it in the election manifesto of the parties remains bleak. This has not only to do with the principal opponents of the formation of Gorkhaland, the political elite of the state of West Bengal, but also to the general mindset of the people of rest of India, who resent any more division of the state especially on ethnic lines.

Through out the modern history of the Indian Sub-continent, the ethnic- Nepali people of Darjeeling have always been side-lined in the corridors of power by the ruling elite of West Bengal. This is evident from the fact that although Darjeeling was a “Partially-excluded district” until 1954, and enjoyed some independent status vis-à-vis West Bengal till the said time, it was subsequently absorbed into the state of West Bengal under the Absorb Area Act, when all evidence proved that Darjeeling and the adjoing areas of Dooars along with its people shared a commonality to other various ethnic groups in the North-East which were then mostly made part of the state of Assam. Further, while most other regions of the North East which were absorbed into Assam were given a distinct Status according to the provisions of the Sixth-Schedule of the Constitution of India, the said provision was over-ruled in Darjeeling although it enjoyed the same status as a “Partially Excluded District” under the Govt of India act 1936 as other Partially Excluded Districts such as the then, Lushai Hills and Naga Hills. Such was the power and influence of the Ruling elite of West Bengal that, even though a powerful pitch was made by the people of Darjeeling infront of the State Re-rogansiation committee of the time to accept the demand for a separate administrative unit on linguistic lines, the proposal was rejected and the Govt of India even failed to recognize the Nepali language as a scheduled language of India as per the Eight- schedule of the constitution. The same power and influence is today being noticed where the major political powers of India are refusing to even speak in favor of the Gorkhaland lest they antagonize their electorates in one of the most powerful states of India.

To analyze this we need to see that West Bengal alone sends a total 42 Member of Parliaments to the Lower House of the Parliament. This is little below 10% of the overall strength of the House. It is obvious that every party worth its salt wants to have a share of this huge pie, in order to claim its strength in the corridors of power, and no matter what the final outcome, no one wants to antagonize the electorates by working against the majority of the people in the state. This is true more so when State assembly elections and National General elections happen simultaneously with a gap of nearly 2-3 years. Any decision taken after the General Elections quickly reflects into the State Assembly elections two years later and vice-versa. Thus with the kind of power equation and the emotional perception of the people against another “Partition of Bengal”, it would be foolish for any political party to support or even contemplate supporting the Gorkhaland Demand whose voters have impact on only a Half of the Lok Sabha seat of Darjeeling. Thus with the political possibility out of the equation, what else could result in the formation of another state? The answer is indeed a mystery, as the political expediency with which our successive Governments have resolved urgent national issues is something to loathe about. And nothing, not event questions of national security have been implemented without something as big as Kargil or 26/11 happening. Expecting such a “People’s government”, suddenly sitting up and solving the issue of a separate state for a significant minority of an ethnic group, is indeed wishful thinking.

Moreover the general opinion of the masses of intellectual India, who live in Air-conditioned homes in the newly developing metropolises such as Mumbai, Bangalore and Delhi which enjoy near world class facilities have no clue to what people face when they live in a neglected, insignificant part of a state whose economy is in shambles as a result of years and years of militant Communist ideology. For them the real problem faced by India is the new Prahmod Muthaliks and MNS followers who use cultural and regional nationalism to further their propaganda of hate for Western and non-conformal ideas. They view regionalism and a question for one’s rights and space as another growing example of the likes of regionalist destroying the integrity and peace of the nation. As a result of this, they look at people demanding their right with contempt. They look at every demand for one’s right, be it demand for a separate state or a demand for reservation for them within a narrow prism of suspicion, not realizing the fact that beyond the luxuries of city life there are various regions in India which suffer from neglect, discrimination and abject poverty.

The option of leading a more militant and violent agitation for the fruitful realization of the demand is futile, as this would lead to even more degradation of the social fabric of the region. It would lead to Human Rights abuses, excesses and something far more sinister than any thing imaginable. Moreover, the presence of heavy security forces along various key border regions of the area makes it even more improbable that anything violent can be planned or executed in the region. Hence, forcing the government to concede to the demand by positioning oneself in a strong position is again ruled out. The result was amply clear when during one of the violent times in the recent pro Gorkhaland agitation, the center refused to actively intervene or even speak on the situation. The resultant Tri-partite meetings were convened after the incumbent Chief Minister of West Bengal pushed the center to hold the meeting. The successive powers of Delhi have refused to take the agitation seriously and have refused to play any significant part, lest it opens a pandora’s box, with similar movement being launched across the nation. We have to remember that as we speak there are more than a dozen such groups demanding a separate state within India , highlighting various, ethnic, regional, and economic grievances. Heeding to one such demand by a numerically insignificant group would make the voices of other such demands more stronger and as a result this will add to the woes of the Government in the Center.