Gorkhaland, elections and priorities

The political atmosphere in the hills along with the rest of the country has been warming up for quite sometime now. The principal political party in the hills has been shuffling from pillar to pillar trying to garner enough support for the Gorkhaland demand, and include the same in the respective parties manifesto. This might have come up with some success. Even though the appearance of “Gorkhaland” demand in the manifesto of the major national parties seem quite distant, the fact that most of them stood up, and tried to understand the issue is an achievement in itself. Contrast this with the time when we wanted the Sixth-schedule bill to be stalled, when top leaders of the country were hardly aware of the realities and intricacies of the “Gorkhaland” demand. Although the real benefit of such an exercise may not seem to come outright, even a small step in making major stakeholders of the country aware is, of utmost importance lest it is needed when the time comes for them to actually make a choice.

Having said that, to expect that the age old issues of separate state, development and identity will be solved in just one General Election, is only but wishful thinking. This is a long process and to address all of the issues will take time, patience and proper political maneuvering. While some of our issues maybe addressed to in the short term, for all of it to be solved we will require a proper long term vision. The key is to lay our eyes on our long term goal without losing focus of our short term priorities. If any one of it is sacrificed for the sake of another, we may just end up losing all we had to begin with.

For starters we need to get our priorities right. The pressing issues plaguing Darjeeling hills today is more of Socio-economic in nature. Along with this is the issue of identity for the millions of its residence within the state and nation, and the political power these residents possess in the corridors of power to make a difference. These cannot be solved overnight, and thus two prolonged approach should be taken to address them.

1. The issue of Political power to safeguard the political rights of our people as a community.
2. The issue of Separate state to address the long term solution to the woes of its people.

While these are still two distinct issues, they are not exclusive of one another. Conversely assuming that both the issues are the same is also grossly overlooking what we have at hand. It is true that Political power can up to some extent ensure a separate state, also a separate state will ensure political power, but what is different is while we have control over the former, the later is totally dependent on outside forces beyond our control. What we have at hand today is the political power to make a difference (provided we play our cards right), to have our voices heard, and to make a small but token difference in the corridors of power. What we do not have is a power to create a separate state. We need to understand that while we have a right to demand a separate state based on our grievances and our needs, what is more important is for the people in power to understand and be willing to accept that the demand is in the country’s national interest. Now, what would be in the country’s national interest would differ based on various geo-political realties prevailing in the country. How it would affect the region in which the demand is being made, and how it would affect the demand for other such movements across the country. Only after we have a consensus on the legitimacy of the demand, can it be met. As of now, we do not have the power to influence that consensus.

What we do have is the right entitled to every citizen of a democracy, the power to choose a leader who can best meet the solutions to the various problems being faced by the people. For this very reason we need to separate the two issues at hand. For now, what we need to do is to retain the political power we have. This might not lead to any significant achievement on the separate state issue; however we will still be retaining a power to be heard, a political voice for the Gorkha citizens of Darjeeling and West Bengal. Conversely, we will also be keeping the political opponents of the Gorkhaland movement at bay so that those forces opposing us do not crush our voices in the corridors of power. With this move, while we will be able to achieve immediate results on some of the economic and political fronts, the larger issue of a separate state can thus be achieved later in due time with the proper political maneuvering.

What needs to be understood is the importance of what the exercise of getting the demand included in the manifesto of the major national parties has given us. Even if the demand is not included in any manifesto, the consideration shown by political parties itself brings the demand into mainstream glare. The fact that GJMM was so interested in siding with the BJP itself has caused the Congress to at least take a second look at the demands of GJMM. In politics this it self adds a lot of weight. Ultimately a separate state may not be a reality without significant amount of public pressure from the Hills. No one will hand it over in a platter; it demands perseverance and action from the people, the people in power need to understand the gravity of the situation and act, but even a small political compulsion will significantly reduce the time and energy needed to achieve it!

Life of a young and brave soldier

Soldier in grave, on 20th birthday
OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
Extracted from the Telegraph Kolkata dated 25-03-09

Dhab (Ganderbal), March 25: Shabir Ahmad Malik was laid to rest on a day he would have turned 20 in a Tricolour-wrapped coffin borne by fellow soldiers, his village turning out in strength to salute its son.

“Shabir would have been 20 today but, look, he is no more,” wept elder brother Ghulam Mohammad Malik.

“He was born to die this way. He studied in Sainik School Manasbal up to Class XII and then joined the army, where he was trained as a commando. We are pained at his death but he has also made us proud.”

The words could have been K. Unnikrishnan’s — the proud father of Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan, the commando felled by terrorists from across the border during the Mumbai attack in November last year.

Shabir, like Sandeep who was 11 years older, died fighting militants. The commando from 1-Para regiment was killed on Monday during the encounter in the Kupwara forests that lasted five days.

By the time the shootout that kept hundreds of security forces on their toes ended yesterday, eight soldiers had died. Seventeen militants were also gunned down. The operation was declared over by the army yesterday but “the combing and search operation” is still on.

At Shabir’s home in Ganderbal, where his family would have celebrated his 20th birthday, villagers were gathered in mourning. Women beat their chests and showered confetti and flower petals on his coffin, and men accompanied it to the graveyard chanting slogans. All roads in Ganderbal appeared to lead to the village.

On the way to the graveyard, the coffin was placed in the compound of a one-storey house for people to catch a last glimpse of the soldier who had united the Indian Army and the Kashmiri villagers in grief.

“This is only the second time I have seen so many people joining the funeral of an Indian soldier and the reason could be primarily that he was a local boy,” a police officer said.

“The last time so many people had turned up was during the funeral of Muzaffar Ahmad, a Shangus resident who was also a soldier and died fighting militants.”

But unlike then, pro-India slogans rent the air yesterday as the army gave Shabir a gun salute.

“It could be because the village is Shia-dominated,” the officer said.

Kashmir villages usually reserve a hero’s send-off for militants killed by security forces, not Indian soldiers.

Defence spokesperson Lt Col J.S. Brar said: “The militant group most likely consisted of an infiltrating column as well as the terrorists who had gone to receive them. The operation was based on sound intelligence inputs as well as human intelligence provided by own sources.”

A large cache of arms and ammunition was recovered. Seventeen assault rifles, four under barrel grenade launchers (UBGL), 13 AK magazines, 207 AK ammunition, 19 UBGL grenades, two grenades, two GPS sets, one Thuraya radio set, one Kenwood radio set, three map sheets, three matrix sheets, two haversacks and Rs 9,200 in Indian currency were recovered in the operations.

Article on the recent fire fight in Kashmir

LoC breach: Alerted, Army laid a trap for Lashkar men before 5-day firefight began
Posted online: Mar 26, 2009 at 0214 hrs in the Indian Express
MUZAMIL JALEEL & MIR EHSAN

SRINAGAR : At the end of the five-day Kupwara encounter that killed eight Army personnel and 17 Lashkar operatives, all evidence points to “extremely sophisticated planning and logistics” behind the biggest infiltration attempt across the Line of Control this year, security officers involved in the operation said.

Army chief General Deepak Kapoor said the high casualties of Indian Special Forces — all eight from the crack 1 Para — indicated a “high level of military training.” As did the nature of the infiltration attempt — through treacherous terrain and the recovery of highly detailed maps of the forests, along with GPS devices, radios, satellite phones, snowboots and ice axes.

At 10,273 feet, a narrow, winding road over the Sadhna Pass — its surface covered by frozen ice — is the only entrance into the stunning valleys of Karnah in the Kashmir Valley. To its left, in the vast isolated swathe, walled by the snow-capped peaks of the Shamsabari range, is the heavily guarded Line of Control. It was here on March 19, that 25 militants sneaked in — watched by both the Army and the Lashkar-e-Toiba.

Sources have confirmed to The Indian Express that militants who crossed over were well on their way to hideouts in Rajwar where Lashkar’s commander Abu Saad was waiting. Saad, it’s learnt, had sent three of his experienced militants to “receive” this new group. But this time, the Army knew and it had Lashkar’s key OGWs (Over Ground Workers) under watch.

Sources said intelligence from across the LoC had alerted security agencies a week in advance. Moreover, early this month, two smaller groups of militants had already crossed over into the Rajwar area and a third group of 10 had sneaked into the valley through Gulmarg. “So we were expecting them. We knew they were coming but our information was about a group of 10 militants,” a source told The Indian Express.

Army officials say the infiltration was launched most probably from somewhere in the Lepa valley. After they crossed over, the militants trekked the Shamsabari’s high ridges that divides the Keran sector from the Kashmir bowl.

In parallel, the Army began moving to lay an ambush. The plan was to avoid engaging the militants near the LoC and thus prevent them from retreating. “They were allowed to sneak in under constant watch,” a source said. The infiltrators were first spotted at Ragni post where one militant was killed. The first major contact with the militants took place at around 3 am on March 20 at Drangyari. “Three were killed there,” said Army spokesman Col J S Brar, “one of them escaped and was killed at Chamb”.

By then, the group had scattered under night’s cover and the Army had expanded its operation across the Shamsabari range, pushing reinforcements into the dense Hafruda forests — one of the thickest stretched across Kupwara and Handwara districts. The Army’s Trehgam Brigade, two battalions of the Rashtriya Rifles and para commandos were deployed. Sources said the Lashkar “reception party” had already joined the infiltrators but somehow the guide possibly lost his way.

The next afternoon, on March 21, Major Mohit Sharma along with a party of para commandos, decided to go deep inside the Hafruda forests. A group of militants, however, had been hiding over the ridge — which gave them an immediate advantage. Major Sharma and three of his men were killed in the firefight.

By Monday, the Army had sent out dozens of parties inside Hafruda, expanding the operation to almost an area of 20 sq km. Fierce gunbattles raged across the area. Close-quarter encounters took place at two places — one inside the Hafruda forests and another in Drangyari. Five militants were killed while four Army men, Havaldar Rakesh Kumar, Nayak Sanjay Anna and Para troopers Manoj Kumar and Shabir Ahmad, were killed. All were officers and men from the Para unit — equipped with AK 47 and Israeli Tavor rifles, new generation night-sights and tracking equipment.

On Tuesday, the troops were again in control and the cordon had been tightened around the militants holed up in Hafruda. Seven militants were killed that day.

Army officials said they found this group of infiltrators “exceptionally trained” and “well-kitted” wearing multilayered warm clothing, jackets, snowshoes and even armed with ice axes. The militants also had modern communication gadgets and were using GPS, compasses, one Thuraya set and Army maps. “They had 10 radio sets as well. We also recovered 23 AK rifles,” said Col Brar. “They had boots and axes, the kind we use in Siachen. The boots were made in Iran.”

The militants, who communicated in codes, also had elaborate maps of Kupwara and Handwara especially of the dense forest ranges. The seriousness of the plan was evident in the specially tailored T-shirts for this group. The T-shirts had “Jihad is my life, Shahadat (martyrdom) is my real life” printed on them. There were T-shirts which “Commando” inscribed as well.

The Army estimates that the level of infiltration will go up in coming months as the snow starts melting in the passes. “Over 300 militants are waiting to infiltrate from 40-50 terror camps across the LoC,” the Army Chief said. Army officers said that with less than 400 active militants estimated in the valley, handlers across the border are getting desperate to send in more foot soldiers.

(with Manu Pubby, New Delhi)

Why I feel that Gorkhaland is not possible in the near future. – Part 2”

In continuation as a sequel to my earlier article titled “Why I feel that Gorkhaland is not possible in the near future. – Part 1”

As I have already mentioned, the prospects of the centre taking the demand for separate state of Gorkhaland to its logical conclusion, seems rather bleak for now. One can understand the compulsion that the center is in considering the fact that there are more than a dozen such demands currently being raised in India for various reasons. What we need to do now is to focus on a long term strategy to build a gradual case for the creation of a separate state. Considering the size of the envisaged new state, it would be logical that even if new states are indeed formed in India, the inclusion of Gorkhaland in the group of new states may not be fruitful.

For Gorkhaland to be eventually realized there are two things that need to be done,

1. Firstly, separate the ‘Gorkhaland’ issue from other such demands in the country and maintain it as an exclusive case, like one enjoyed by the North Eastern states.
2. Secondly, go for a step by step approach so that the Central Govt is constitutionally, obliged to grant a separate state.

For this, what we need is to analyze the correct political atmosphere, see how much is the center and the state willing to go to satisfy the demand. This requires building extra pressure on both the state govt as well as the center by way of non-cooperation and home rule. Make the pressure such that the govt is forced to take a stand on it. However, there is a limit upto which such agitation can be taken. Going over-board would invite deployment of para-military forces and a ruthless attempt to crush the movement. This would be detrimental to both the democratic movement, as well as the people participating in it. We need to understand that in such case, it is better to put pressure on the state govt, as it will have more compulsion to act, keeping in mind the public attention it would get in the state. However we must maintain the upper hand in terms of calling on and off the movement rather than being compelled to sit for negotiation out of necessity.

The state govt in the start of the Gorkhaland Agitation in 2008, had publicly announced that they were willing to give more power to the Sixth-schedule and increase its area to beyond the present hill sub-divisions. Similar offer once made by the state govt should be accepted as a last resort, while still insisting on the statehood demand, this will give us the leeway for us to demand a more respectable form of Sixth-schedule with more legislative and executive powers as enjoyed by the likes of Bodoland Territorial Council. Another thing to add would be to bring the Council under the banner of the North-Eastern Development Council. This is a much more realistic possibility, as the Center and the state have in-fact endorsed the Sixth-schedule imposition in the Darjeeling Hills, what was lacking in the proposed Sixth-schedule legislature was the comprehensive powers for it to be an accountable and credible alternative to satisfy the various socio-economic problems being faced by the people of the hills. Once the required aberrations are cleared out and newer areas included to its responsibility, the current economic problems can be solved and the region and the people can benefit from the development, for the immediate future.

This will lead to realizing two aspects,

1. The implementation of Sixth-schedule and inclusion of the same in the North-Eastern council would make the Gorkhaland demand exclusive of other similar demands being made in the country. This would ensure, that Gorkhaland demand is looked as any other issues in the North East would be dealt with, which is preferential as compared to other such demands in the rest of the country.
2. The implementation of Sixth-schedule would lead to the de-facto acceptance of Darjeeling as a separate entity within West Bengal, a term like State within a state. This would more or less oblige the center to give Darjeeling the statehood status on a later date, as the logical conclusion of Sixth-schedule as is seen with other similar cases in the North-East like Mizoram and Meghalaya, which were changed to states from being Autonomous Councils.

This would have major implications, one being that it would take lot more years to achieve the real goal of statehood, and the loss of trust from the people because of what we achieved previously from the infamous D.G.H.C. The positive aspect of it would be we would be assured of a separate state someday. The immediate agitation for a separate state either way could be long. Other such popular demands fail because, pro-longed dragging of the movement causes serious economic harship among the people of the region. Being pro-longed the people lack focus of the agitation, thus giving rise to un-scrupulous elements that play havoc with not only the general populace but also the economic resources of the region.

Implementation of the Sixth-schedule for the short term would thus solve some of the severe economic problems plaguing the region, and help people move forward to a better economic and social condition. At the same time, the Autonomous council and the region in it will get the necessary constitutional guarantee for qualifying as a separate state, which no other region in India outside the North East can get. Once the economic woes of the people are met, proper resources and ideas can be utilized in achieving the goal of statehood by means of legitimate constitutional guarantees. Thus, if we take a long term approach, this will help us in achieving the long cherished dream of a separate state for the people in the region.

The formation of a separate state in India is a major issue for the country. It has serious implications for the concerned region as well as the rest of the country. It has to be made by the Government in the national interest and not under compulsion by a mere segment of population of a region. Considering these logical reasons, it would be appropriate to take a serious approach. An in depth long term planning is necessary for us to achieve the logical conclusion. One that has constitutional and legal legitimacy. Being a small region with small population, political power alone cannot guarantee us a separate state, thus we need to use the correct privileges and powers that have been guaranteed to our community and region by the Constitution. We might find the process long, but the possibility of our dream coming true at minimum economic and social loss is the benefit that can offset any time overruns in the future.

A Classic Indian Intelligence Operation

The article has been reproduced as printed in "The Hindu" dated 17th June 2004, as one of few example of India's victories against Pakistan Sponsored terrorism in Kashmir.
A secret hunt that trapped top Jaish militants

By Praveen Swami

NEW DELHI, JUNE 16. If it had not been for a chance traffic accident, an alert Border Security Force signals intelligence monitor, and a superbly-crafted intelligence operation, Srinagar could have been the midst of a bloody suicide-bombing offensive this summer.

Three months ago, the Indian Army announced that it had eliminated the overall head of the feared Jaish-e-Mohammad's military operations, Qari Mohammad Asif. Operating under the code-name `Sehrai Baba', Asif had been responsible for a string of terrorist attacks since he took office in September 2003. Now, an investigation by The Hindu has found Asif was killed more than three months before his elimination was made public — leading to a top-secret covert operation that secured the liquidation of almost the entire top leadership of the Jaish-e-Mohammad.

On April 8, the Indian Army announced that it had killed Asif, along with four other senior Jaish-e-Mohammad commanders, in northern Kashmir. Those killed included Malik Salimullah, a resident of Gujaranwala in the Pakistani province of Punjab, Nazaqat Zaman, a resident of Haripur in the North West Frontier Province, Yahya Khan of Karachi, and Zubair Ahmad. In one single blow, the terrorist group had lost almost its entire field command: an event unprecedented in the history of counter-terrorist warfare in Jammu and Kashmir.

In fact, The Hindu 's investigation has found, Asif died a full five months before this encounter in a chance shoot-out in Srinagar's Bemina area. The shootout followed a minor traffic altercation involving Asif, after which he opened fire on BSF personnel who intervened. BSF intelligence personnel learnt that the killed terrorist was referred to within his organisation by the wireless code-sign `Tango-4'. The organisation's sources were also able to determine that `Tango-4' was a senior figure in the Jaish-e-Mohammad hierarchy.

BSF signals personnel then made a chance discovery: `Sehrai Baba' had disappeared off the airwaves after the death of `Tango-4'. This led to the suspicion that `Tango-4' and `Sehrai Baba' were the same person. No one in the Jaish-e-Mohammad's Srinagar apparatus, investigators discovered, had seen or heard from their supreme commander in weeks: all they knew was that he was on a secret mission and would establish contact only when absolutely necessary.

Since the Jaish-e-Mohammad did not know that `Sehrai Baba' had been killed, Indian officials believed the situation could be leveraged to their advantage. By mid-January, a detailed plan was in place, known only to the BSF's in-house intelligence organisation, the G-Branch, the Intelligence Bureau, top police officials, and the commander of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps, Lieutenant-General Nirbhay Sharma. An Indian intelligence asset planted deep within the Jaish-e-Mohammad was now put to work executing the covert operation.

In late January, the source made contact with the Jaish-e-Mohammad's Pakistan-based chief, Maulana Masood Azhar — the terrorist released in the Indian Airlines flight IC184 hostages-for-prisoners swap at Kandahar. The source claimed to be passing on messages from `Sehrai Baba' to Azhar. `Sehrai Baba,' he said, had planned a series of large-scale operations inside Srinagar, but needed logistical support and personnel. Since Indian intelligence had in the past demonstrated the ability to break terrorist communications codes, the Jaish-e-Mohammad would have to take the risk of arranging a physical meeting on the Indian side of the LoC.

It worked. When the Jaish-e-Mohammad group reached their liaison point near Sogam, having used multiple routes across the Lolab mountains, Indian troops were waiting. "The whole thing had to be arranged with care," says a senior military source. "We had to make sure that, first, the source could be moved around by the Intelligence Bureau without hindrance by our own troops, while at once maintaining secrecy. We had to make sure the LoC crossing was trouble-free, but also monitor it at each stage. Finally, the ambush had to be laid with great precision. The slightest error could have jeopardised months of hard work."

Soon after the Sogam incident, Indian forces moved rapidly to eliminate the last two Jaish-e-Mohammad personnel drawn on to the Indian side of the LoC by the source, Multan resident Tassaduq Irshad, and Mohammad Iqbal Baksh. While the Jaish-e-Mohammad continues to have a formidable ground presence in Jammu and Kashmir, it is an Army without Generals.

Why I feel that Gorkhaland is not possible in the near future. – Part 1

The happenings of the last few weeks have posed some serious questions to the overall agitation for the separate state of Gorkhaland. The frequency with which many executive members from the principal “Pro-Gorkhaland” party, the Gorkha Jan Mukti Morcha (Gorkha People’s Liberation Front) switched back and forth, pillar to pillar between various leaders of the leading national parties including BJP and Congress, have yet again proved that the question of Gorkhaland is far from being answered by any of the major stake holders of the nation. Even if some party may give moral support to the demand, the likelihood of all out support by way of including it in the election manifesto of the parties remains bleak. This has not only to do with the principal opponents of the formation of Gorkhaland, the political elite of the state of West Bengal, but also to the general mindset of the people of rest of India, who resent any more division of the state especially on ethnic lines.

Through out the modern history of the Indian Sub-continent, the ethnic- Nepali people of Darjeeling have always been side-lined in the corridors of power by the ruling elite of West Bengal. This is evident from the fact that although Darjeeling was a “Partially-excluded district” until 1954, and enjoyed some independent status vis-à-vis West Bengal till the said time, it was subsequently absorbed into the state of West Bengal under the Absorb Area Act, when all evidence proved that Darjeeling and the adjoing areas of Dooars along with its people shared a commonality to other various ethnic groups in the North-East which were then mostly made part of the state of Assam. Further, while most other regions of the North East which were absorbed into Assam were given a distinct Status according to the provisions of the Sixth-Schedule of the Constitution of India, the said provision was over-ruled in Darjeeling although it enjoyed the same status as a “Partially Excluded District” under the Govt of India act 1936 as other Partially Excluded Districts such as the then, Lushai Hills and Naga Hills. Such was the power and influence of the Ruling elite of West Bengal that, even though a powerful pitch was made by the people of Darjeeling infront of the State Re-rogansiation committee of the time to accept the demand for a separate administrative unit on linguistic lines, the proposal was rejected and the Govt of India even failed to recognize the Nepali language as a scheduled language of India as per the Eight- schedule of the constitution. The same power and influence is today being noticed where the major political powers of India are refusing to even speak in favor of the Gorkhaland lest they antagonize their electorates in one of the most powerful states of India.

To analyze this we need to see that West Bengal alone sends a total 42 Member of Parliaments to the Lower House of the Parliament. This is little below 10% of the overall strength of the House. It is obvious that every party worth its salt wants to have a share of this huge pie, in order to claim its strength in the corridors of power, and no matter what the final outcome, no one wants to antagonize the electorates by working against the majority of the people in the state. This is true more so when State assembly elections and National General elections happen simultaneously with a gap of nearly 2-3 years. Any decision taken after the General Elections quickly reflects into the State Assembly elections two years later and vice-versa. Thus with the kind of power equation and the emotional perception of the people against another “Partition of Bengal”, it would be foolish for any political party to support or even contemplate supporting the Gorkhaland Demand whose voters have impact on only a Half of the Lok Sabha seat of Darjeeling. Thus with the political possibility out of the equation, what else could result in the formation of another state? The answer is indeed a mystery, as the political expediency with which our successive Governments have resolved urgent national issues is something to loathe about. And nothing, not event questions of national security have been implemented without something as big as Kargil or 26/11 happening. Expecting such a “People’s government”, suddenly sitting up and solving the issue of a separate state for a significant minority of an ethnic group, is indeed wishful thinking.

Moreover the general opinion of the masses of intellectual India, who live in Air-conditioned homes in the newly developing metropolises such as Mumbai, Bangalore and Delhi which enjoy near world class facilities have no clue to what people face when they live in a neglected, insignificant part of a state whose economy is in shambles as a result of years and years of militant Communist ideology. For them the real problem faced by India is the new Prahmod Muthaliks and MNS followers who use cultural and regional nationalism to further their propaganda of hate for Western and non-conformal ideas. They view regionalism and a question for one’s rights and space as another growing example of the likes of regionalist destroying the integrity and peace of the nation. As a result of this, they look at people demanding their right with contempt. They look at every demand for one’s right, be it demand for a separate state or a demand for reservation for them within a narrow prism of suspicion, not realizing the fact that beyond the luxuries of city life there are various regions in India which suffer from neglect, discrimination and abject poverty.

The option of leading a more militant and violent agitation for the fruitful realization of the demand is futile, as this would lead to even more degradation of the social fabric of the region. It would lead to Human Rights abuses, excesses and something far more sinister than any thing imaginable. Moreover, the presence of heavy security forces along various key border regions of the area makes it even more improbable that anything violent can be planned or executed in the region. Hence, forcing the government to concede to the demand by positioning oneself in a strong position is again ruled out. The result was amply clear when during one of the violent times in the recent pro Gorkhaland agitation, the center refused to actively intervene or even speak on the situation. The resultant Tri-partite meetings were convened after the incumbent Chief Minister of West Bengal pushed the center to hold the meeting. The successive powers of Delhi have refused to take the agitation seriously and have refused to play any significant part, lest it opens a pandora’s box, with similar movement being launched across the nation. We have to remember that as we speak there are more than a dozen such groups demanding a separate state within India , highlighting various, ethnic, regional, and economic grievances. Heeding to one such demand by a numerically insignificant group would make the voices of other such demands more stronger and as a result this will add to the woes of the Government in the Center.

India - Its states and its people

The advent of various ethnic groups in India demanding separate administrative states within India, for their social and political well being has created an equal number of arguments and counter-arguments on the topic. While the proponents of the separate state theory claim, political and economic neglect by their parent states on the basis of ethnic and linguistic dissimilarities, the opponents argue that creation of more states will go against the whole argument of a United India. Many have argued in length about how the previous generations of leaders made a historic blunder by creating states on the basis of linguistic lines and thus paving the way for future Balkanization of India. People have argued that this should not be allowed to proceed, and should be stopped immediately to prevent jeopardizing the integrity of the nation.

What one fails to see is that it was these very policies of separate states that were able to hold the Indian Union strongly in one of the most testing times for the country. It has been well documented that during and after 1971, secret transcripts of conversation between US president and his Secretary of State had predicted a disintegration of India in no time owing to the diverse ethnic, linguistic and economical fabric of the Indian society. And here we are today, more than 6 decades after our Independence, and moving ahead with a strong economy whereas even the so called super power is reeling through crushing economic times. One needs to look back in history and judge how Tamil Nationalism was contained after they achieved Self-determination in the 1960s. One needs to see and judge how Naga and Mizo movements for secession were contained by granting them Self-determination in the 1980s. The list is endless, and yet we fail to see the most important lesson in it all. That cultural nationalism is an un-alienable part of any community, and yet this can be contained by the right to self-determination as enshrined within the constitution of our country. It is the very reason, ‘that our Constitution is so accommodating to these aspects of democracy’ that we have been able to overcome the greatest challenges to our existence.
The idea of a unified Indian union with only administrative divisions, and no linguistic or ethnic connotations is a very novel one, but impractical. Everybody agrees to the idea of one unified identity of India above all other identities. The problem is in accommodating every community’s aspirations within the single unified image of India. Can a Hindi speaking gentleman from the North of the country accept Tamil to be the Official language of India? Will a Malyali speaking lady from South of the country accept Bengali script as the official writing script for India? The list again is endless. The idea of a unified Indian identity is impractical in domestic affairs; this notion is good in paper but impractical considering the size, diversity and economic disparity of the country. Neither today nor before, could we ever have two diverse Indians from differing ethnicity in one room and expect them to have a cordial exchange of views on the others cultural brilliance. The list is endless. This is a fact we have to live with, and not deny it.
If people want to really understand what would have happened to India if the present number of states were not created in Independent India, one should look at the disparate state of affairs today Pakistan is in. The divisions and feelings of one community’s cultural dominance over others is so much there that only the Army has been able to stop the divisive sentiments of the people there. One must not forget that the creation of Bangladesh was due to a feeling of cultural dominance of the Bengali speaking Pakistanis by the West Pakistani Punjabis in that country. The Pakistanis had adopted the idea of a unified Pakistani federation based on a Pan Islamic identity and yet Islam could not hold two diverse ethnic races together. One can only predict what this can do to the already fragile religious and linguistic fabric of Indian society.
Given the size, diversity and economy of India, had we not created so many states, and thus the feeling of self-rule and respect among the various ethnic groups in our country, Pakistan would have surely used the fault lines which would have been created because of that resentment, to fuel an even bigger internal strife in India and thus weaken the whole Union of India. This was indeed exploited by it, and the examples are there for all to see.
We have to understand that while such paper book ideologies are brilliant on paper and in countries such as the U.S.A, (whom we look upon as the most perfect country on Earth) the same philosophy and ideology can create the downfall for India. What works in the West cannot work here in India. As it has been said, we are a very different country with great diversity, it is imperative that we understand and satisfy the needs, social, political and economical of all our diverse residents to build a strong India. It is for these reasons that our great and visionary leaders laid a foundation for creation of different states based on linguistic or cultural or socio-economic lines. One must appreciate the visions shown by those great leaders in bringing about the constitution of our country, which is so accommodating to the extent that we have been able to fight against all odds to preserve this national integrity of our nation without having to resort to anything else outside the framework of our democracy. Ultimately the National integrity of our nation is of utmost importance but at the same time ignoring the aspirations of its people will never yield an integrated nation. The two need to go hand in hand.

26/11 The unseen facts

The history of the Indian sub-continent has always been filled with a deep animosity between two of its largest neighbors; India and Pakistan. But the night of 26th Nov 2008 wrote a new chapter in the history of the sub-continent. A new low had been reached in the chapters of humanity and a new high had been reached in the levels of tolerance for extremism. The asymmetric warfare that had been going on between the two neighbors reached new heights. While India struggled to contain as much as it could, the terrorist who unleashed the terror on its soils, power mongers hurried around the corridors of power to make sense of this new battle zone between the two neighbors.

Many people have gone to lengths debating the role of Pakistan’s notorious ISI in the said event, some argued that the military precision by which the attack happened, could not have been done without significant state co-operation. Yet while debating all these issues, one fails to realize, under what circumstances this heinous crime had been committed. For that we need to go back a few years in time. Ever since Sept 11 2001, and the starting of the War on Terror, Pakistan has been involved as the key ally of the so called coalition of the willing, its troops had been amassed in large numbers on its western borders to fight the so called Islamic extremist, the ones lead by the famous “Taliban”. But over the period of the war, having sustained huge losses in terms of not just operating expenses but also human resources, the average Pakistani and his comrade in the Army have begun to ask questions. Why were they killing their own people? Their fellow Muslims, people with whom they had no differences in faith and belief. Especially after the fact that the Pakistan Army over the years have been groomed to fight the one and only The “Saffron Bandits” to their East, the overwhelming loss and death of fellow Muslims on its Western borders did not quite go down well with its people as well as the Army. Having seen India gradually grow its influence in Afghanistan, a country which Pakistan regarded as its “Strategic Depth”, it was quite natural for the Pakistani general to grow insecure. For them, while their own forces were killing and getting killed by fellow Muslims, the Indians were continuously growing more and more influence in their strategic depth. Moreover the coming of the new establishment in Washington D.C further complicated matters, with a vocal US President increasingly aware of the safe heavens of the Islamic Insurgents, and his vow to finish them all. The time had come for Pakistan to finally act, to relieve the pressures off its back, and re-focus the world attention on the great ball game that it had been playing ever since its birth.

The 26/11 attack on Mumbai, was instrumental in relieving the pressure off Pakistan, as now, it got to play its favorite plank. The big bad Indians were about to attack Pakistan with surgical strikes, and Pakistan as a country had to do everything possible to protect its national integrity. No sooner had the last terrorist in Mumbai been killed, Pakistan and not India was now the victim. It finally got the justification to remove its non – performing military formations from the Al-Qaeda infested Western Borders, and bring it back to the eastern borders against India where it was always meant to be. The world went back to hectic diplomacy between Delhi and Islamabad to cool off the Nuclear conflagration between the two neighbors, and the people and Army of Pakistan went back to their favorite time pass, India bashing. As for the innocent people who died in the Mumbai tragedy, well they lived in a country with more than a billion people, as each day passes by the memories of that fateful night and the people it took with it will forever go down into history of the dusty South Asian subcontinent. Just as everybody else before them.